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A direct and fundamentally optimistic indictment of the short-sightedness and intellectual arrogance that has characterized much of urban planning in this century, The Death and Life of Great American Cities has, since its first publication in 1961, become the standard against which all endeavors in that field are measured. In prose of outstanding immediacy, Jane Jacobs writes about what makes streets safe or unsafe; about what constitutes a neighborhood, and what function it serves within the larger organism of the city; about why some neighborhoods remain impoverished while others regenerate themselves. She writes about the salutary role of funeral parlors and tenement windows, the dangers of too much development money and too little diversity. Compassionate, bracingly indignant, and always keenly detailed, Jane Jacobs''s monumental work provides an essential framework for assessing the vitality of all cities.

Review

"The most refreshing, provacative, stimulating and exciting study of this [great problem] which I have seen. It fairly crackles with bright honesty and common sense."—Harrison Salisbury, The New York Times"One of the most remarkable books ever written about the city... a primary work. The research apparatus is not pretentious—it is the eye and the heart—but it has given us a magnificent study of what gives life and spirit to the city."—William H. Whyte, author of The Organization Man

From the Inside Flap

A classic since its publication in 1961, this book is the defintive statement on American cities: what makes them safe, how they function, and why all too many official attempts at saving them have failed.

From the Back Cover

A direct and fundamentally optimistic indictment of the shortsightedness and intellectual arrogance that has characterized much of urban planning in this century, The Death and Life of Great American Cities has, since its first publication in 1961, become the standard against which all endeavors in that field are measured.

About the Author

Jane Jacobs was the legendary author of The Death and Life of Great American Cities, a work that has never gone out of print and that has transformed the disciplines of urban planning and city architecture. Her other major works include The Economy of Cities, Systems of Survival, The Nature of Economies and Dark Age Ahead. She died in 2006.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Foreword to the Modern Library Edition

When I began work on this book in 1958, I expected merely to describe the civilizing and enjoyable services that good city street life casually provides-and to deplore planning fads and architectural fashions that were expunging these necessities and charms instead of helping to strengthen them. Some of Part One of this book: that''s all I intended.

But learning and thinking about city streets and the trickiness of city parks launched me into an unexpected treasure hunt. I quickly found that the valuables in plain sight-streets and parks-were intimately mingled with clues and keys to other peculiarities of cities. Thus one discovery led to another, then another--.Some of the findings from the hunt fill the rest of this book. Others, as they turned up, have gone into four further books. Obviously, this book exerted an influence on me, and lured me into my subsequent life''s work. But has it been influential otherwise? My own appraisal is yes and no.

Some people prefer doing their workaday errands on foot, or feel they would like to if they lived in a place where they could. Other people prefer hopping into the car to do errands, or would like to if they had a car. In the old days, before automobiles, some people liked ordering up carriages or sedan chairs and many wished they could. But as we know from novels, biographies, and legends, some people whose social positions required them to ride-except for rural rambles-wistfully peered out at passing street scenes and longed to participate in their camaraderie, bustle, and promises of surprise and adventure.

In a kind of shorthand, we can speak of foot people and car people. This book was instantly understood by foot people, both actual and wishful. They recognized that what it said jibed with their own enjoyment, concerns, and experiences, which is hardly surprising, since much of the book''s information came from observing and listening to foot people. They were collaborators in the research. Then, reciprocally, the book collaborated with foot people by giving legitimacy to what they already knew for themselves. Experts of the time did not respect what foot people knew and valued. They were deemed old-fashioned and selfish-troublesome sand in the wheels of progress. It is not easy for uncredentialed people to stand up to the credentialed, even when the so-called expertise is grounded in ignorance and folly. This book turned out to be helpful ammunition against such experts. But it is less accurate to call this effect "influence" than to see it as corroboration and collaboration. Conversely, the book neither collaborated with car people nor had an influence on them. It still does not, as far as I can see.

The case of students of city planning and architecture is similarly mixed, but with special oddities. At the time of the book''s publication, no matter whether the students were foot or car people by experience and temperament, they were being rigorously trained as anti-city and anti-street designers and planners: trained as if they were fanatic car people and so was everybody else. Their teachers had been trained or indoctrinated that way too. So in effect, the whole establishment concerned with the physical form of cities (including bankers, developers, and politicians who had assimilated the planning and architectural visions and theories) acted as gatekeepers protecting forms and visions inimical to city life. However, among architectural students especially, and to some extent among planning students, there were foot people. To them, the book made sense. Their teachers (though not all) tended to consider it trash or "bitter, coffee-house rambling" as one planner put it. Yet the book, curiously enough, found its way onto required or optional reading lists-sometimes, I suspect, to arm students with awareness of the benighted ideas they would be up against as practitioners. Indeed, one university teacher told me just that. But for foot people among students, the book was subversive. Of course their subversion was by no means all my doing. Other authors and researchers-notably William H. Whyte-were also exposing the unworkability and joylessness of anti-city visions. In London, editors and writers of The Architectural Review were already up to the same thing in the mid-1950s.

Nowadays, many architects, and some among the younger generation of planners, have excellent ideas-beautiful, ingenious ideas-for strengthening city life. They also have the skills to carry out their plans. These people are a far cry from the ruthless, heedless city manipulators I have castigated.

But here we come to something sad. Although the numbers of arrogant old gatekeepers have dwindled with time, the gates themselves are another matter. Anti-city planning remains amazingly sturdy in American cities. It is still embodied in thousands of regulations, bylaws, and codes, also in bureaucratic timidities owing to accepted practices, and in unexamined public attitudes hardened by time. Thus, one may be sure that there have been enormous and dedicated efforts in the face of these obstacles wherever one sees stretches of old city buildings that have been usefully recycled for new and different purposes; wherever sidewalks have been widened and vehicular roadways narrowed precisely where they should be-on streets in which pedestrian traffic is bustling and plentiful; wherever downtowns are not deserted after their offices close; wherever new, fine-grained mixtures of street uses have been fostered successfully; wherever new buildings have been sensitively inserted among old ones to knit up holes and tatters in a city neighborhood so that the mending is all but invisible. Some foreign cities have become pretty good at these feats. But to try to accomplish such sensible things in America is a daunting ordeal at best, and often enough heartbreaking.



In Chapter Twenty of this book I proposed that the ground levels of self-isolating projects within cities could be radically erased and reconstituted with two objects in view: linking the projects into the normal city by fitting them out with plentiful, new, connecting streets; and converting the projects themselves into urban places at the same time, by adding diverse new facilities along those added streets. The catch here, of course, is that new commercial facilities would need to work out economically, as a measure of their genuine and not fake usefulness.

It is disappointing that this sort of radical replanning has not been tried-as far as I know-in the more than thirty years since this book was published. To be sure, with every decade that passes, the task of carrying out the proposal would seem to be more difficult. That is because anti-city projects, especially massive public housing projects, tend to cause their city surroundings to deteriorate, so that as time passes, less and less healthy adjoining city is available to tie into.

Even so, good opportunities still exist for converting city projects into city. Easy ones ought to be tried first on the premise that this is a learning challenge, and it is good policy for all learning to start with easy cases and work up to more difficult ones. The time is coming when we will sorely need to apply this learning to suburban sprawls since it is unlikely we can continue extending them without limit. The costs in energy waste, infrastructure waste, and land waste are too high. Yet if already existing sprawls are intensified, in favor of thriftier use of resources, we need to have learned how to make the intensifications and linkages attractive, enjoyable, safe, and sustainable-for foot people as well as car people.

Occasionally this book has been credited with having helped halt urban-renewal and slum-clearance programs. I would be delighted to take credit if this were true. It isn''t. Urban renewal and slum clearance succumbed to their own failures and fiascos, after continuing with their extravagant outrages for many years after this book was published. Even now they pop up when wishful thinking and forgetfulness set in, abetted by sufficient cataclysmic money lent to developers and sufficient political hubris and public subsidies. A recent example, for instance, is the grandiose but bankrupt Canary Wharf project set in isolation in what were London''s dilapidated docklands and the demolished, modest Isle of Dogs community, beloved by its inhabitants.

To return to the treasure hunt that began with the streets and one thing leading to another and another: at some point along the trail I realized I was engaged in studying the ecology of cities. Offhand, this sounds like taking note that raccoons nourish themselves from city backyard gardens and garbage bags (in my own city they do, sometimes even downtown), that hawks can possibly reduce pigeon populations among skyscrapers, and so on. But by city ecology I mean something different from, yet similar to, natural ecology as students of wilderness address the subject. A natural ecosystem is defined as "composed of physical-chemical-biological processes active within a space-time unit of any magnitude." A city ecosystem is composed of physical-economic-ethical processes active at a given time within a city and its close dependencies. I''ve made up this definition, by analogy.

The two sorts of ecosystems-one created by nature, the other by human beings-have fundamental principles in common. For instance, both types of ecosystems-assuming they are not barren-require much diversity to sustain themselves. In both cases, the diversity develops organically over time, and the varied components are interdependent in complex ways. The more niches for diversity of life and livelihoods in either kind of ecosystem, the greater its carrying capacity for life. In both types of ecosystems, many small and obscure components-easily overlooked by superficial observation can be vital to the whole, far out of proportion to their own tininess of scale or aggregate quantities. In natural ecosystems, gene pools are fundamental treasures. In city ecosystems, kinds of work are fundamental treasures; furthermore, forms of work not only reproduce themselves in newly created proliferating organizations, they also hybridize, and even mutate into unprecedented kinds of work. And because of their complex interdependencies of components, both kinds of ecosystems are vulnerable and fragile, easily disrupted or destroyed.

If not fatally disrupted, however, they are tough and resilient. And when their processes are working well, ecosystems appear stable. But in a profound sense, the stability is an illusion. As a Greek philosopher, Heraclitus, observed long ago, everything in the natural world is in flux. When we suppose we see static situations, we actually see processes of beginning and processes of ending occurring simultaneously. Nothing is static. It is the same with cities. Thus, to investigate either natural or city ecosystems demands the same kind of thinking. It does not do to focus on "things" and expect them to explain much in themselves. Processes are always of the essence; things have significances as participants in processes, for better or worse.

This way of seeing is fairly young and new, which is perhaps why the hunt for knowledge to understand either natural or city ecology seems so inexhaustible. Little is known; so much yet to know.

We human beings are the only city-building creatures in the world. The hives of social insects are fundamentally different in how they develop, what they do, and their potentialities. Cities are in a sense natural ecosystems too-for us. They are not disposable. Whenever and wherever societies have flourished and prospered rather than stagnated and decayed, creative and workable cities have been at the core of the phenomenon; they have pulled their weight and more. It is the same still. Decaying cities, declining economies, and mounting social troubles travel together. The combination is not coincidental.

It is urgent that human beings understand as much as we can about city ecology-starting at any point in city processes. The humble, vital services performed by grace of good city streets and neighborhoods are probably as good a starting point as any. So I find it heartening that The Modem Library is issuing this beautiful new edition for a new generation of readers who, I hope, will become interested in city ecology, respect its marvels, discover more.

Jane Jacobs
Toronto, Canada October 1992

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Inna Tysoe
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
About Our Cities
Reviewed in the United States on June 3, 2017
She starts with the sidewalk. The sidewalk, after all, is where we live most of our lives if we live in a city. It’s where we walk, where kids play, where people congregate and look out for one another—whether they know they are doing it or not. She tells anecdotes—the... See more
She starts with the sidewalk. The sidewalk, after all, is where we live most of our lives if we live in a city. It’s where we walk, where kids play, where people congregate and look out for one another—whether they know they are doing it or not. She tells anecdotes—the one about the boy who was rescued by strangers on the sidewalk and the one about the boy trapped in an elevator in a project who cried and cried for hours but no-one came. The sidewalk, where people take responsibility for one another; where a community is formed; where we know our local grocer and that annoying lady next door is far safer than the projects where people—anonymous individuals—live cheek by jowl with their neighbors.

And from the point of view of the humble sidewalk, Jane Jacobs builds a kind of theory of cities: what works and what doesn’t. She makes points that, once she makes them, are nothing more nor less than common sense. She points out that we like interesting things and that what we, as people are most interested in, is other people. So we like to people-watching. And that means we need different, truly different, buildings on our sidewalks. It just doesn’t work to have a part of the city that’s all “about culture” and another part that’s all “about business” and yet a third that’s “all about” housing. We don’t live our lives like that and we should not expect our city to live if every aspect of human life is segregated from every other aspect.

It’s fine—no, it’s healthy—if people live next to a culture center, next to a place of worship, next to a place of business, and next to a park and playground. It means that at all times of the day, every day of the week, you will see different and interesting people on your streets. Sundays, you will see families dressed for church (and teenagers dressed “specially” for church); during the day on weekdays, you will see people in their business attire hurrying to and fro with their important tasks; at lunchtime you will see mothers (and these days increasingly fathers) pushing their baby strollers in the park and at night everyone gathers at the local watering holes and restaurants. If that is what you see where you live, you live in a safe and good neighborhood. A neighborhood where buildings are different not just because they have different paint but because they serve different functions. And that neighborhood is great for business. A baker, a coffee shop, a pub, a bar, a shoe repair shop—all will flourish in a neighborhood like this.

The way to destroy a city, on the other hand, is to destroy a neighborhood by transplanting it into a project. It doesn’t matter how poor that neighborhood is. There are people who live in that place who are genuinely attached to it. A famous story is told (not in this book but as an example) of the Mother of all the Rothschilds not wishing to leave the Jewish Ghetto in Vienna. That is where her friends were and that is where she wanted to live. And no matter how poor a place seems to an outsider, people do put down roots there. And those roots mean that they, the people who are attached to that place, can make it into a thriving, interesting neighborhood. Just like (or even better than) the one I described just now. All they need is a little help: loans from banks to start a business, short blocks, encouraging the kinds of uses the people want. If there is one thing Jane Jacobs is adamant about it’s that a city is about the people who live in it and so you can’t impose a great idea on them-no matter who they are—it has to come from within the community. Because only then will you have a community. And given half a chance, that community will grow and will prosper.

All that, and more, is in this relatively slim (for an urban planning book) volume. A volume that has been (rightly I think) been called a classic. Not just because of its message which is just as relevant today as it was when Jane Jacobs wrote it but because of the writing style. Jane Jacobs is obviously well-read and well-traveled but she does not feel the need t showcase that she read a book or two once. She writes in simple, easy-to-read prose and the lessons she teaches the reader are all the more memorable for that.

I highly recommend it.
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Avery Decker
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The Elizabeth Warren of Urban Planning
Reviewed in the United States on February 24, 2018
Have you ever wondered why certain neighborhoods seem to fall into disrepair no matter how much money gets poured in for "redevelopment"? Or why one public park can attract diverse groups of families and citizens year-round while a similar park incubates nothing but... See more
Have you ever wondered why certain neighborhoods seem to fall into disrepair no matter how much money gets poured in for "redevelopment"? Or why one public park can attract diverse groups of families and citizens year-round while a similar park incubates nothing but drug abuse and crime? Or what factors lead to gentrification and the eventual self-destruction of what initially made a neighborhood desirable?

The Death and Life of Great American Cities is a no-nonsense guide on how to make cities lively, vibrant, humane places to live and work. If you are involved in government, architecture, or design, READ THIS. Jane Jacobs provides a candid framework for understanding *what* makes cities work and *why*. And she''s got ZERO patience for the abstract musings of planners like Robert Moses, who valued aesthetic perfection and geometric orderliness over the messy, varied needs of any human population. Over 50 years later, Jacobs'' insights ring true as ever. Get this book!
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Ben W. Washburn
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and sometimes tedious, but it is always on point
Reviewed in the United States on August 27, 2017
I was a key part of efforts in the 1960s in Detroit to implement the Urban Renewal and Model Cities programs. How little we actually knew!!! It is mind-blowing to know that Jane Jacobs even then had such significant insights into all that we were mindlessly doing wrong.... See more
I was a key part of efforts in the 1960s in Detroit to implement the Urban Renewal and Model Cities programs. How little we actually knew!!! It is mind-blowing to know that Jane Jacobs even then had such significant insights into all that we were mindlessly doing wrong. This is a must read for anyone and everyone who has a stake in city-building. It is sometimes long, and sometimes tedious, but it is always on point.
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Matthew74
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Changed my life.
Reviewed in the United States on February 28, 2016
I love this book. It contains so much common sense drawn from careful observation. Jane Jacobs looks at cities from a variety of angles, points out exactly what is wrong with ours today, how they got that way, and what to do about it. What makes it an interesting read,... See more
I love this book. It contains so much common sense drawn from careful observation. Jane Jacobs looks at cities from a variety of angles, points out exactly what is wrong with ours today, how they got that way, and what to do about it. What makes it an interesting read, besides her style and the interesting things she discusses, is how grounded she is in human nature. The book is just as much about people and communities, as streets and buildings. It will change the way you see cities, and you will learn about more than cities. The book had a similar effect on me as reading Euclid''s Elements, Plato''s Dialogues, or Aristotle''s Categories. I see things differently now, not in a "I was completely off my rocker before." kind of way, but in a "Oh, that''s kind of what I thought, but now I see it clearly!" sort of way.
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Ken Hassen
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Jane Jacobs & Modernism
Reviewed in the United States on February 12, 2020
Jane Jacobs efforts alongside of this, her landmark effort helped finally to put a stop to Robert Moses'' systematic modernization of New York City''s highway system at the expense of old New York neighborhood communities and the destruction of such architectural greatness... See more
Jane Jacobs efforts alongside of this, her landmark effort helped finally to put a stop to Robert Moses'' systematic modernization of New York City''s highway system at the expense of old New York neighborhood communities and the destruction of such architectural greatness during the 1950-1960''s such as the old Penn Station. It was this work which finally led the way for the creation of the New York Landmark Society. This is a fascinating study in the numerous trade-offs we make along with the irreversible side effects, all in the name of Modernism...
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Xavier Atlas
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Every person living in a city should read this book.
Reviewed in the United States on November 6, 2015
Every person living in a city should read this book. Most of us who have studied Jane Jacobs are either architects, urbanists or simply interested in how cities work. However Jane Jacobs as an ordinary citizen that was worried about how modern urbanism has been destroying... See more
Every person living in a city should read this book. Most of us who have studied Jane Jacobs are either architects, urbanists or simply interested in how cities work. However Jane Jacobs as an ordinary citizen that was worried about how modern urbanism has been destroying humanity''s natural tendency to produce living spaces according to our social norms, and not because of our addiction to automobiles. The more people read this book, the closer we will be to fixing what modernism in urban design has done to enslave us to the use of autos, and how our lives have changed in a negative way by such design.
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Lantern Photography
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Excellent!
Reviewed in the United States on May 17, 2017
A great work by someone who actually cares about people and cities, rather than money. This is an actual "Instruction Manual" on how to live in a city - but not just live in one, but to also be a part of the community. It is a bit dry, and I had to force myself to... See more
A great work by someone who actually cares about people and cities, rather than money. This is an actual "Instruction Manual" on how to live in a city - but not just live in one, but to also be a part of the community. It is a bit dry, and I had to force myself to read some parts, but I think everyone should read this.
10 people found this helpful
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Lumdor
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Recycle not destroy.
Reviewed in the United States on March 6, 2017
I have always wanted to read this book and now I have my chance. Jane Jacobs was a city planner''s planner. One of our first supporters of multi-use buildings. Preservation, not destruction of older buildings. The word recycling plays at the top of Ms Jacobs'' work. Buy it... See more
I have always wanted to read this book and now I have my chance. Jane Jacobs was a city planner''s planner. One of our first supporters of multi-use buildings. Preservation, not destruction of older buildings. The word recycling plays at the top of Ms Jacobs'' work. Buy it and read it.
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Opinionholder
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
A must-read sociological masterpiece.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 21, 2016
A wonderful book, rightly regarded as a classic, that will challenge your perceptions of out urban space and how we use it.Although it relates specifically to America, the ideas do transfer to a UK context. Jacobs'' challenges many ideas that were gaining traction mid...See more
A wonderful book, rightly regarded as a classic, that will challenge your perceptions of out urban space and how we use it.Although it relates specifically to America, the ideas do transfer to a UK context. Jacobs'' challenges many ideas that were gaining traction mid century- and makes claims that ring true yet still seem controversial. for example, she asks planners to guard against the idea of building dedicated play parks, and instead ensure the streets are wide enough to accommodate children''s play. She''s on to something- children are far safer playing in full view of their communities rather than in the fenced-in, isolated ''park'' that is so common place both in private and publich housing developments. Highly recommended to all with an interest in community, architecture and sociology.
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Jayjay
4.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
Great histroy book architecturally
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 29, 2020
Thouroughly enjoy reading the concept, thinking and logic behind the design of american cities and how it intertwines with the enviroment and population. The book reads really well and gives good information.
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Patricia Finney
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
A lost world
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on May 18, 2017
I found this book fascinating and compelling - and also sad. For where in Western cities can we find the kind of lively street scenes she is talking aboout and trying to protect. The bureaucrats and builders have successfully got rid of them, leaving only fakes and a few...See more
I found this book fascinating and compelling - and also sad. For where in Western cities can we find the kind of lively street scenes she is talking aboout and trying to protect. The bureaucrats and builders have successfully got rid of them, leaving only fakes and a few remnants. It''s very sad - perhaps her recommendations can be used for bringing back the streetlife we''ve lost to the internet and the car.
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Gary White
5.0 out of 5 starsVerified Purchase
The book that cast the mold for modern urban studies
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on October 17, 2014
This is a breathtaking book, a keynote publication on urban geography and sociology. It is as fresh today as it was when it was written in 1961. Jacobs wrote this in a forthright, no-nonsense style taking a very liberal, perhaps neo-marxist stance in her critique of (mainly...See more
This is a breathtaking book, a keynote publication on urban geography and sociology. It is as fresh today as it was when it was written in 1961. Jacobs wrote this in a forthright, no-nonsense style taking a very liberal, perhaps neo-marxist stance in her critique of (mainly American) examples of poor urban planning, leading to the marginalisation and disenfranchisement of disaffected communities. She looks the arrogance and banality of urban planning and a strong theme of social justice (or injustice!) runs through the book. This book set the scene for important later texts such as Harvey 1973 Social Justice and the City. This is a must-read book.
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K T
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Finally did my homework!
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on October 22, 2017
I''ve been meaning to read this book for a long time as both it and the author crop up everywhere in the literature on the architecture and design of the buildings and public spaces in cities. While the book is a little bit on the long side, perhaps, (with some repetition as...See more
I''ve been meaning to read this book for a long time as both it and the author crop up everywhere in the literature on the architecture and design of the buildings and public spaces in cities. While the book is a little bit on the long side, perhaps, (with some repetition as ideas and concepts are explained in depth), it nonetheless merits taking the time to read. If you have an interest in the subject - the ideas are applicable to all cities really, not just those in America, I can recommend this.
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